Evidence-Based Policymaking in a Time of Shrinking Aid Budgets
Around the world, governments are cutting their foreign aid budgets. In the United States, the dismantling of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has led to the cancellation of more than 80% of its programmes. In the United Kingdom, the aid budget has been reduced from the long-standing target of 0.7% of gross national income to 0.5%, with plans to fall further to 0.3% by 2027–2028, forcing the cancellation of several programmes, including international health initiatives. The Swiss Parliament has likewise reduced its 2026 budget for international cooperation and humanitarian assistance.
Much of the political momentum behind these cuts reflects the deep unpopularity of foreign aid among the public. Surveys consistently show that people believe aid accounts for a far larger share of government spending than it actually does — Americans, for example, estimate it at around 25% of the federal budget, when in reality it is closer to 1%. While these perceptions warrant reflection on the structure and effectiveness of the aid system, they do not justify abrupt measures. Aid is also widely perceived as wasteful and inefficient. While these perceptions warrant reflection on the structure and effectiveness of the aid system, they do not justify abrupt measures. A recent article in The Lancet estimates that the dismantling of USAID alone could result in more than 14 million additional deaths by 2030, including around 4.5 million among children under five. Although the true counterfactual remains uncertain — what global health outcomes would have looked like in a world where development assistance had never existed, or if it had been gradually phased out — presented in the article hardly supports the claim that aid has been a pure waste.
Assessing the effectiveness of foreign aid is difficult because donors set multiple, sometimes conflicting objectives: saving lives, promoting long-term economic development, and advancing their geopolitical interests. Defining clear aid objectives — such as improving food security, expanding access to education, or strengthening global public goods like vaccination coverage — helps address this challenge. Indeed, this creates an important condition for measuring impact and thus for evidence-based policymaking, which offers a powerful way to make development policy more effective, efficient, and transparent. At its core, evidence-based policymaking relies on two elements: rigorous research methods to determine which interventions work, and the use of these empirical insights to direct public and private resources toward programmes and practices with demonstrated impact.
Over the past few decades, the number of rigorous impact evaluations conducted in low- and middle-income countries has grown rapidly, resulting in a substantial body of evidence. The Abdul Latif Jameel Poverty Action Lab (J-PAL), a global research centre that generates rigorous evidence on what works to reduce poverty, has, for example, launched The Evidence Effect, a collection of cost-effective, evidence-backed policy solutions that can be scaled. Important knowledge gaps remain, however, and new evidence is still needed. For instance, it is important to evaluate and help scale innovative AI solutions.
At the same time, the mere existence of evidence does not guarantee its use. An article in the American Economic Review shows that making research evidence more accessible can stimulate policy change. Yet it remains unclear how policymakers identify, interpret, and apply research findings in practice. This suggests that information frictions — such as limited access to relevant studies, difficulties in interpreting results, or uncertainty about their applicability to specific contexts — may help explain why effective policy interventions are not always adopted. Reducing these frictions by providing policymakers with clear insights from cost-effective programmes is, therefore, an important step in helping them make more informed decisions about where to allocate scarce resources.Academics can play a key role in this ecosystem by providing technical expertise and helping translate research findings into practical guidance for governments and policymakers more broadly.
Academics can play a key role in this ecosystem by providing technical expertise and helping translate research findings into practical guidance for governments and policymakers more broadly. Beyond producing individual studies, there is also a growing need to aggregate existing evidence through meta-analyses.
Other initiatives also aim to bring greater rigour to aid allocation. For example, Michael Kremer, co-recipient of the 2019 Nobel Prize in Economic Sciences, co-created the Development Innovation Ventures (DIV) fund, which applies a venture-capital–inspired model to development. (Kremer shared the prize with Esther Duflo and Abhijit Banerjee, who co-founded J-PAL.) Delivering cost-effective innovations in global development can generate substantial returns, yet research and development in the sector receives only a small fraction of total investment. DIV offers three tiers of grants, calibrating funding to evidence and results: support for early pilots, rigorous testing of ideas that have demonstrated success, and large-scale expansion of solutions with the potential for the greatest impact. This staged model helps reduce risk while ensuring that development resources are directed toward interventions with the greatest potential impact. Projects funded by DIV span sectors including health, education, agriculture, and climate resilience. DIV also offers technical assistance to governments, bilateral aid agencies, and multilateral organisations to help design and implement evidence-driven innovation tools.
Evaluations of DIV’s early portfolio suggest a social return of roughly USD 17 for every dollar invested, illustrating that well-designed aid programmes can be highly cost-effective. Ironically, the initiative was created at USAID and was forcefully relaunched as an independent nonprofit in 2026. In a context where aid budgets are tightening and scrutiny of their effectiveness is increasing, approaches such as this demonstrate how scarce resources can be directed toward interventions with the greatest proven impact.
Electronic reference
Vandewalle, Lore. “Evidence-Based Policymaking in a Time of Shrinking Aid Budgets.” Global Challenges, no. 19, May 2026. URL: https://globalchallenges.ch/issue/19/evidence-based-policymaking-in-a-time-of-shrinking-aid-budgets.GRAPH | Sovereign Borrowing by Instrument Type
Source: Mark Manger et al., Africa’s Domestic Debt Boom: Evidence from the African Debt Database (CEPR Discussion Paper no. 20747, CEPR Press, 2025), p. 23, https://cepr.org/publications/dp20747.
BOX: The African Debt Database
Elaborated by an international team of researchers from the Geneva Graduate Institute — including Prof Ugo Panizza and Dr Ka Lok Wong — as well as from the Global Sovereign Advisory, the Kiel Institute, the UN Economic Commission for Africa, and the Universities Aix Marseille and Toronto, the African Debt Database (ADD) is the first comprehensive database of African debt.
Building on a new, comprehensive dataset that traces both domestic and external debt instruments across Africa at a granular level, its main innovation is a “detailed mapping of Africa’s domestic debt markets, drawing on rich, new data extracted from government auction reports and bond prospectuses”.
Learn more about the project and read the report.
RO, Geneva Graduate Institute
BOX | Definition of Development Aid
Development
The term “development” as used in the concept of development aid is far from having a universally accepted definition. A consensual definition considers that the concept of development refers to the set of technical, social, territorial, demographic, and cultural transformations accompanying the growth of material production or the improvement of human living conditions. It reflects the structural and qualitative aspects of growth and can be associated with the idea of economic and social progress (ENS Lyon – Sylviane Tabarly, Serge Bourgeat, Catherine Bras). For Gilbert Rist, nevertheless, development is not an objective or universal process, but a collective belief, a “Western myth” that serves to legitimize the intervention of Northern countries in Southern societies. He defines it as a modern ideology, based on the idea of progress, which masks relations of domination and perpetuates forms of dependency.
Official development assistance (ODA) – or Aide public au développement (APD) in French – is government aid that promotes and specifically targets the economic development and welfare of developing countries. ODA has been the main source of financing for development aid since it was adopted by the OECD’s Development Assistance Committee (DAC) as the “gold standard” of foreign aid in 1969. The DAC sets eligibility criteria, statistical rules, and principles of cooperation (See Here).
Human Development
Human development grew out of global discussions on the links between economic growth and development during the second half of the 20th Century. By the early 1960s there were increasingly loud calls to “dethrone” GDP: economic growth had emerged as both a leading objective, and indicator, of national progress in many countries i, even though GDP was never intended to be used as a measure of wellbeing ii. In the 1970s and 80s development debate considered using alternative focuses to go beyond GDP, including putting greater emphasis on employment, followed by redistribution with growth, and then whether people had their basic needs met. These ideas helped pave the way for the human development approach, which is about expanding the richness of human life, rather than simply the richness of the economy in which human beings live. It is an approach that is focused on creating fair opportunities and choices for all people (UNDP, 2025). Watch: What is Human Development?
Sustainable development
Sustainable development is “development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs,” a quote from Gro Harlem Brundtland, Prime Minister of Norway (1987). In 1992, the Earth Summit in Rio, held under the auspices of the United Nations, formalized the concept of sustainable development and its three pillars (economic, ecological, and social): development that is economically efficient, socially equitable, and ecologically sustainable.
OMD
The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are eight goals adopted in 2000 in New York (United States) as part of the United Nations Millennium Declaration by 193 member states of the UN and at least 23 international organizations, which agreed to achieve them by 2015. These goals address major humanitarian challenges: reducing extreme poverty and child mortality, combating several epidemics including AIDS, ensuring access to education, promoting gender equality, and advancing sustainable development. In 2015, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) were published, succeeding these goals (UN).
SDG
The term “Sustainable Development Goals” (SDGs) is commonly used to refer to the seventeen goals established by the member states of the United Nations and set forth in the 2030 Agenda. This agenda, adopted by the United Nations (UN) in September 2015 following two years of negotiations involving both governments and civil society, sets out 169 targets to be achieved by 2030, common to all participating countries and divided into 17 SDGs (UN).
Research Office – Geneva Graduate Institute
TABLE | Trends in Global Development Assistance Volumes (1960–2025)
| Year | Global ODA volume (in billions of USD, constant 2023 prices) | Historical Context |
|---|---|---|
| 1960 | ~ 40 | Start of OECD statistics; rise of post-colonial bilateral programs |
| 1970 | ~ 60 | UN commitment to 0.7% of GNI; expansion of bilateral agencies. |
| 1980 | ~ 85 | Peak linked to the Cold War and concessional loans; prior to the debt crisis. |
| 1990 | ~ 105 | End of the Cold War; shift toward governance and structural reform |
| 2000 | ~ 95 | Relative decline; launch of the MDGs and start of debt relief initiatives. |
| 2005 | ~ 130 | Impact of debt cancellations (HIPC) and the Paris Declaration. |
| 2010 | ~ 150 | Stabilization following the financial crisis; rise in humanitarian aid. |
| 2015 | ~ 160 | Adoption of the SDGs; expansion of funded sectors. |
| 2020 | ~ 185 | Increase linked to global crises (climate, migration, pandemics). |
| 2023 | ~ 223 | Historical high; sharp increase in humanitarian aid and concessional loans. |
| 2014 | ~ 212 | Beginning of the cuts |
| 2025 | ~ 174 | With, 23.1% decrease over 2024, it is the largest annual contraction on record and a second consecutive year of decline. |
Data: OECD (International Development Statistics); Our World in Data (ODA, constant 2023 USD).
BOX | What Is Policy Coherence for Sustainable Development (PCSD)?
The OECD defines PCSD as “an approach and policy tool that supports the integration of the economic, social, environmental, and governance dimensions of sustainable development across all stages of policymaking, facilitating integrated approaches”, including aid, trade, agriculture, finance, investment, taxation, and other relevant policy domains.
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