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Global Challenges
Issue no. 19 | May 2026
The End of Development?
The End of Development? | Article 3

How African Governments Borrow

Reading time: 4 min
Chinese lending to Africa has fallen sharply from its peak in 2016, requiring many African countries to seek substantial funding on domestic debt markets. Some countries have managed this transition well; in others, a financing squeeze has led to short debt maturities and, more worryingly, high inflationary pressure.

For decades, conversations about African debt have centred on external creditors — China’s infrastructure loans, concessional loans by multilateral development banks such as the World Bank and the African Development Bank, and Eurobonds. These narratives, while important, miss a fundamental transformation reshaping public finance across the continent: African governments now borrow more from their own citizens than from the rest of the world combined.

This shift represents one of the most significant yet underappreciated changes in African economic policy over the past two decades. In joint work with Mark Manger, David Mihalyi, Niccolò Rescia, Christoph Trebesch, and Ka Lok Wong, we track over 50,000 individual government loans and securities across 54 African countries and document that domestic debt has quietly overtaken external borrowing as the primary source of sovereign financing. Our African Debt Database reveals that domestic debt markets have more than tripled in size since 2010, growing from USD 150 billion to nearly USD 500 billion today (see “Domestic Bond” and “Domestic Bill” in the graph below).

The rise of domestic borrowing tells two very different stories, depending on where you look. In countries like Tanzania, Uganda, Nigeria, and Rwanda, the expansion reflects genuine market development — governments systematically lengthening bond maturities, building investor bases, and creating functioning yield curves. These “market builders” have used domestic debt strategically, supported by credible macroeconomic frameworks and sustained GDP growth.

But elsewhere, the domestic debt boom looks less like development and more like a last resort. In Ghana and Mozambique, governments have turned to local markets not by choice but by necessity, flooding them with short-term treasury bills as external financing dried up. Ghana’s domestic debt exchange in 2022–23 — effectively a default on local bondholders — came after years of escalating reliance on domestic borrowing at unsustainable rates.

These divergent paths reveal a crucial truth: domestic debt is neither inherently good nor bad.  These divergent paths reveal a crucial truth: domestic debt is neither inherently good nor bad. It depends entirely on why governments are borrowing and what they’re building with those funds. For market builders, domestic debt provides currency-matched financing that reduces exchange rate risk. For liquidity-constrained borrowers, it becomes an expensive stopgap that amplifies rollover risk without addressing underlying fiscal fragility.

The cost difference is stark. Multilateral lenders like the World Bank charge African governments less than 1% interest on average. Chinese loans typically run 2–4%. International bonds average 6–8%. But domestic bonds regularly exceed 12%, with some countries paying over 15% to borrow in their own currency.

These nominal rates tell only part of the story. When adjusted for inflation, domestic borrowing costs reveal a pattern familiar from financial history: financial repression. Many African governments are effectively inflating away their domestic debt, imposing negative real returns on local bondholders. While this reduces the real burden on government finances, it also discourages domestic savings and can undermine the very market development governments claim to pursue.

What’s clear is that external financing options have narrowed considerably. Chinese lending to Africa, which peaked around 2016, has contracted sharply since 2021 (see graph). International bond markets have become more selective and expensive. The result: African governments collectively now repay more to external creditors than they receive in new external financing — a net outflow that forces even greater reliance on domestic markets.

This financing squeeze has practical implications that standard debt-to-GDP ratios obscure. Total annual debt service exceeded USD 100 billion in 2026, with repayment obligations remaining above USD 60 billion through 2030. This front-loaded burden is driven overwhelmingly by market-based debt — both international and domestic bonds — reflecting their higher costs and shorter maturities.

The maturity mismatch is particularly concerning. While multilateral loans average over 25 years and Chinese loans run 10–20 years, domestic bonds cluster around 8–10 years, and many countries lean heavily on treasury bills with maturities under one year. This creates a constant refinancing treadmill: governments must continually return to markets, vulnerable to sudden shifts in investor sentiment.

The expansion of domestic borrowing presents a double-edged opportunity. Growing local debt markets can strengthen financial systems, build domestic investor capacity, and provide governments with greater monetary independence. Countries that successfully borrow in their own currency reduce their vulnerability to exchange-rate shocks.

Yet the dangers are equally pronounced. Substantial domestic debt accumulation can starve the private sector of credit, create dangerous interdependencies between government solvency and banking system health, and tempt authorities toward inflation-driven debt reduction. The distinction between genuine financial development and coercive financial repression often proves narrower than policymakers acknowledge.

The African Debt Database offers another crucial insight: comprehensive debt transparency is achievable even with modest resources. A small research team successfully assembled a detailed inventory of African debt instruments by synthesising publicly available information with contemporary digital methods. This demonstrates that well-funded international organisations could readily expand such efforts with greater consistency.Improved data represents more than an academic achievement — it constitutes a foundation for effective governance. 

Improved data represents more than an academic achievement — it constitutes a foundation for effective governance. As African borrowing patterns continue evolving, reliable, detailed information becomes indispensable for constructing sound debt-sustainability assessments, nurturing domestic financial markets, and facilitating creditor coordination.

Electronic reference

Panizza, Ugo. “How African Governments Borrow.” Global Challenges, no. 19, May 2026. URL: https://globalchallenges.ch/issue/19/how-african-governments-borrow.
Header image caption: Aswan, Egypt – September 14, 2025: Colorful mural of a smiling Nubian man beside a decorated camel pain
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GRAPH | Sovereign Borrowing by Instrument Type

Source: Mark Manger et al., Africa’s Domestic Debt Boom: Evidence from the African Debt Database (CEPR Discussion Paper no. 20747, CEPR Press, 2025), p. 23, https://cepr.org/publications/dp20747.

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BOX: The African Debt Database

Elaborated by an international team of researchers from the Geneva Graduate Institute  — including Prof Ugo Panizza and Dr Ka Lok Wong  — as well as from the Global Sovereign Advisory, the Kiel Institute, the UN Economic Commission for Africa, and the Universities Aix Marseille and Toronto, the African Debt Database (ADD) is the first comprehensive database of African debt.

Building on a new, comprehensive dataset that traces both domestic and external debt instruments across Africa at a granular level, its main innovation is a “detailed mapping of Africa’s domestic debt markets, drawing on rich, new data extracted from government auction reports and bond prospectuses”.

Learn more about the project and read the report.

RO, Geneva Graduate Institute

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BOX | Definition of Development Aid

Development

The term “development” as used in the concept of development aid is far from having a universally accepted definition. A consensual definition considers that the concept of development refers to the set of technical, social, territorial, demographic, and cultural transformations accompanying the growth of material production or the improvement of human living conditions. It reflects the structural and qualitative aspects of growth and can be associated with the idea of economic and social progress (ENS Lyon – Sylviane Tabarly, Serge Bourgeat, Catherine Bras). For Gilbert Rist, nevertheless, development is not an objective or universal process, but a collective belief, a “Western myth” that serves to legitimize the intervention of Northern countries in Southern societies. He defines it as a modern ideology, based on the idea of progress, which masks relations of domination and perpetuates forms of dependency.

Official development assistance (ODA) – or Aide public au développement (APD) in French – is government aid that promotes and specifically targets the economic development and welfare of developing countries. ODA has been the main source of financing for development aid since it was adopted by the OECD’s Development Assistance Committee (DAC) as the “gold standard” of foreign aid in 1969. The DAC sets eligibility criteria, statistical rules, and principles of cooperation (See Here).

Human Development

Human development grew out of global discussions on the links between economic growth and development during the second half of the 20th Century. By the early 1960s there were increasingly loud calls to “dethrone” GDP: economic growth had emerged as both a leading objective, and indicator, of national progress in many countries i, even though GDP was never intended to be used as a measure of wellbeing ii. In the 1970s and 80s development debate considered using alternative focuses to go beyond GDP, including putting greater emphasis on employment, followed by redistribution with growth, and then whether people had their basic needs met. These ideas helped pave the way for the human development approach, which is about expanding the richness of human life, rather than simply the richness of the economy in which human beings live. It is an approach that is focused on creating fair opportunities and choices for all people (UNDP, 2025). Watch: What is Human Development?

Sustainable development

Sustainable development is “development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs,” a quote from Gro Harlem Brundtland, Prime Minister of Norway (1987). In 1992, the Earth Summit in Rio, held under the auspices of the United Nations, formalized the concept of sustainable development and its three pillars (economic, ecological, and social): development that is economically efficient, socially equitable, and ecologically sustainable.

OMD

The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are eight goals adopted in 2000 in New York (United States) as part of the United Nations Millennium Declaration by 193 member states of the UN and at least 23 international organizations, which agreed to achieve them by 2015.  These goals address major humanitarian challenges: reducing extreme poverty and child mortality, combating several epidemics including AIDS, ensuring access to education, promoting gender equality, and advancing sustainable development. In 2015, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) were published, succeeding these goals (UN).

SDG

The term “Sustainable Development Goals” (SDGs) is commonly used to refer to the seventeen goals established by the member states of the United Nations and set forth in the 2030 Agenda. This agenda, adopted by the United Nations (UN) in September 2015 following two years of negotiations involving both governments and civil society, sets out 169 targets to be achieved by 2030, common to all participating countries and divided into 17 SDGs (UN).

Research Office – Geneva Graduate Institute

TABLE | Trends in Global Development Assistance Volumes (1960–2025)

YearGlobal ODA volume (in billions of USD, constant 2023 prices)Historical Context
1960~ 40Start of OECD statistics; rise of post-colonial bilateral programs
1970~ 60UN commitment to 0.7% of GNI; expansion of bilateral agencies.
1980~ 85Peak linked to the Cold War and concessional loans; prior to the debt crisis.
1990~ 105End of the Cold War; shift toward governance and structural reform
2000~ 95Relative decline; launch of the MDGs and start of debt relief initiatives.
2005~ 130Impact of debt cancellations (HIPC) and the Paris Declaration.
2010~ 150Stabilization following the financial crisis; rise in humanitarian aid.
2015~ 160Adoption of the SDGs; expansion of funded sectors.
2020~ 185Increase linked to global crises (climate, migration, pandemics).
2023~ 223Historical high; sharp increase in humanitarian aid and concessional loans.
2014~ 212Beginning of the cuts
2025~ 174With, 23.1% decrease over 2024, it is the largest annual contraction on record and a second consecutive year of decline.

Data: OECD (International Development Statistics); Our World in Data (ODA, constant 2023 USD).

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BOX | What Is Policy Coherence for Sustainable Development (PCSD)?

The OECD defines PCSD as “an approach and policy tool that supports the integration of the economic, social, environmental, and governance dimensions of sustainable development across all stages of policymaking, facilitating integrated approaches”, including aid, trade, agriculture, finance, investment, taxation, and other relevant policy domains.

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