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Global Challenges
Issue no. 16 | November 2024
Elections – What For?
Global Challenges
Issue no. 16 | November 2024
Elections – What For? | Article 7

Democratic Challenges: The Gap between Political Platforms and Climate Concerns in Argentina

Reading time: 5 min

In light of his populist worldview, it is perhaps unsurprising that Argentina’s new president has so far made little effort to use government policy to protect the natural environment. What may be more surprising is that environmental issues played a negligible role in the campaigns of all major parties in last year’s Argentinean presidential elections, with only the far left giving the issue any prominence in its election platform.

Argentina is among the democracies that began 2024 with a newly elected government. The 2023 elections altered the composition of the executive and legislature at both a national and subnational level. The elections also resulted in a new administration led by Javier Milei, an ultraright, anarcho-capitalist president, who beat Sergio Massa, the former Minister of Economy, at the ballot box.

Milei is known for his strong and explicit denial of climate change.  On environmental issues, Milei is known for his strong and explicit denial of climate change. He associates the phenomenon with a globalist neo-Marxist agenda, with the potential to hinder economic growth and national development worldwide. Although this stance has drawn criticism, it is perhaps not surprising given that other far-right figures hold similar views (e.g. former US President Donald Trump, former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, and figures from the Spanish party Vox, among others). What might be more surprising is that in the election campaign that resulted in Milei’s presidency, few parties made environmental issues and climate change a prominent topic in their platforms, with the exception of the most left-wing party, Frente de Izquierda y de Trabajadores.

This absence of environmental issues from the 2023 presidential election campaign has been studied by several scholars, who have examined the electoral platforms of these parties. In the case of La Libertad Avanza, Milei’s party, the electoral platform criticised the role of the state in environmental management, denied human responsibility for climate change, opposed international agreements such as the Paris Agreement, and proposed a resource exploitation approach based on private investment, with a focus on agribusiness and open-pit mining, among others. For its part, Unión por la Patria, the Peronist party of Sergio Massa (in second place), addressed environmental issues in its platform and during the presidential debate, highlighting the importance of advancing adaptation and mitigation measures for climate change and pointing to Argentina’s potential as a renewable energy exporter. However, the environment was not a central focus of his campaign. The candidate of Juntos por el Cambio, Patricia Bullrich (in third place), aimed to promote mining while emphasising respect for high environmental standards, and to expand the energy and agribusiness sectors. She also acknowledged climate change and biodiversity as challenges but did not significantly address the environmental agenda in the presidential debates or in her campaign.

This lack of concern about environmental climate issues is particularly striking in light of the results of a recent survey by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) which showed a significant increase in climate concern among the Argentine population. Approximately 64% of participants stated that they were interested or very interested in environmental issues, and 63% believed that climate change is an important issue for the country’s future. Approximately 89% of respondents indicated that climate change currently has a high or medium-high impact in Argentina.

The growing severity of extreme climate events could lead to heightened social mobilisation and demand for more robust political action.  The disconnect in priorities between the population and the major political parties raises significant concerns for climate action, as it obstructs the progress of concrete measures to address problems such as natural disasters, floods, droughts, heat waves, and cold spells. While media outlets may downplay the gap between public concerns and the agendas of the major political parties, the growing severity of extreme climate events could lead to heightened social mobilisation and demand for more robust political action. However, the risk lies in the potential for escalating social conflict if the political system does not act swiftly. This delay could worsen the urgent need for effective environmental policies to mitigate climate change’s adverse effects, especially on the most vulnerable sectors and populations.

Moreover, the risks extend far beyond the climate agenda and environmental policies. The growing gap between public concerns and political party agendas poses a serious threat to democratic representation and citizen engagement. This widening divide could leave citizens feeling increasingly alienated from their leaders, eroding trust in both party structures and government institutions. As people feel more unsupported and isolated, the resulting decline in their quality of life and empowerment may not only deepen social unrest but also strike at the very core of democracy itself.

Itatí Moreno
ESKAS Postdoctoral Fellow at the Albert Hirschman Centre on Democracy (2023–2024)
Geneva Graduate Institute

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Header image caption: Buenos Aires, Argentina; 12 10 2023: Milei supporter holds up a $100 bill with Javier Milei's face on it

VIDEO: Elections, What For? With Martin Chungong

Research Office, Geneva Graduate Institute

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Sources: Perspective Monde (sources: The Economist, Highcharts.com [map], © Natural Earth); Our World in Data; Wikipedia. Map produced by Whybe.

GRAPH: Increase in the Number of Elections (Legislative and Presidential) since 1800

Source: Wikipedia

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Info Box

BOX: For or Against Electronic Voting?

The elections in Venezuela on 28 July 2024 added fuel to an ongoing debate: for or against electronic voting? Technology is becoming increasingly important in the organisation of elections: for the compilation and purging of voter lists, the planning of polling stations, the sending of results and the counting of votes. While there is agreement on the advantages of its use for these tasks, electronic voting remains controversial: those in favour point out that it brings speed (fast counting) and efficiency (the procedure reduces the incidence of invalidated votes due to errors). Opponents warn that legal security is at stake in terms of the secrecy of the vote (voters often need help to use the machines), transparency is lost (anyone can supervise the paper count but specialised knowledge is needed to understand how the machine works) and it generates dependence on the private sector (which takes over the logistics for large sums of money).

In Latin America, some countries have electronic voting systems (Brazil, Venezuela) or have implemented pilot programmes (Mexico), while others maintain the paper ballot (Argentina, Uruguay). Regardless of the system, allegations of fraud have become part of the electoral strategy of some leaders such as Donald Trump in the United States, Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil (both with electronic voting) or Keiko Fujimori in Peru (paper ballot). In none of them has it been judicially proven. In any case, the transparency and “auditability” of the electoral system becomes central.

Source: Yanina Welp, “El voto electrónico venezolano”, El Universal, 21 August 2024.

Info Box

BOX: What are the different voting systems?

There are three voting systems: majority, proportional and mixed. Voting may be direct (as in the presidential election) or indirect (as in the senatorial election). They may comprise a single round or several rounds:

  • Majority systems are the oldest: the winner of the election takes all the seats at stake. This is known as “first past the post”. These elections make it easier to create a stable and coherent majority to govern, at the risk of under-representing minority opinions. They also guarantee a close link between elected representatives and voters. They may be single-member (a single seat to be filled) or multi-member (several seats);
  • In proportional representation systems, the seats are distributed between the various candidates in proportion to the votes obtained. Proportional systems developed in the 20th century: Belgium was the first country to introduce proportional representation for its parliamentary elections (1899), followed by Finland (1906), Denmark (1915), the Netherlands (1917) and Germany (1919). These systems ensure better representation of the various currents of opinion, at the risk of complicating the emergence of a governing majority and strengthening the influence of political parties;
  • Mixed systems combine the two systems: for the same election, some candidates are elected under the majority system (in small constituencies) and others under the proportional system (in larger constituencies). This is the case, for example, with municipal elections in France: the majority system applies in municipalities with fewer than 1,000 inhabitants, and the proportional system in municipalities with 1,000 inhabitants or more.

Source: Mathieu Mugnier, “La diversité des modes de scrutin”, Vie publique, 23 October 2024.

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