Elections and Democracy in 2024: Three Overriding Trends
Elections are times of intense politicisation. They are telling about the workings of democratic institutions and of the polity in which citizens engage – or disengage. Electoral processes, outcomes, and campaign modes reveal the profound processes that shape contemporary democracies. Contributions to this issue of Global Challenges highlight some key developments around the world, which can be grouped into three main trends.
1. The significance of the electoral success of far-right and anti-system parties
Elections in 2024 have been marked by anxiety over the advance of far-right, anti-system and populist parties, as pointed out by Bullon-Cassis. The repercussions of their strong showings are immediate. They have contributed to mainstream far-right ideas and to push governments further to the right. As shown by Tonne in the context of the European Union, the dilemma for centre-right parties is whether and how to collaborate with the far right. Political calculations will have a bearing on the governing coalitions emerging from the 2024 elections, as well as on the challenge of protecting democracy from elected parties that seek to change the rules in their favour and to dismantle institutions from within.
Elections also have broader, symbolic, significance on democracy and its perceptions. The worldwide historic influence that the US “democratic model” has exerted has faded (Hanhimäki) but other regions of the world have long been models of participatory and deliberative democracy and laboratories of (democratic) politics. As Galvin and Welp point out in their analysis of Nayib Bukele’s electoral success in El Salvador, South America’s smallest state may well constitute a top-tier laboratory of authoritarian populism in the first half of the 21st century.
Hence the crucial importance, in academic research and public debates, to decentre – and reverse – the gaze. To understand the repercussions of the electoral successes of 2024 on the very nature of democracies and their political institutions, we need to critically consider, across time and space, the political choices that have led to establish democracy and to garner support for it. The analysis by López of the 2024 elections in South Africa well illustrates it.
2. Accountability and trust in electoral processes
As free and fair elections constitute a pillar of democracy, the functioning of institutions and oversight are the cornerstone of trust in electoral processes. Elections take place, though, even in authoritarian regimes (Klimentov). Considering that the results of the presidential elections in Iran and the national legislative elections in Jordan have affected the balance of cooptative and coercive strategies, Parreira suggests that elections may still matter in autocratic regimes.
The integrity of the electoral process itself is central, even in established democracies such as the US (Hanhimäki). To ensure free and fair elections, international observation has played a key role to avoid violence and, across contexts, to provide legitimacy for electoral processes (Welp).
Independent institutions and courts act as safeguards for protecting the integrity of elections: Singh analyses the role that the Indian Supreme Court has played in invalidating “electoral bonds”, a financial instrument enabling anonymous donations to political parties. As observed by Singh, “opacity in political funding tends to corrode the basic tenet of accountability in democracies, fuelling discontent and disillusionment”. Therefore, oversight on financial inflows is key to trust in elections and democracy.
3. Elections in a reshuffled polity
Exploring electoral campaigns in 2024 is telling about styles and forms of politics: digital campaigning and political advertising, the strategic use of social media, as well as misinformation and disinformation have shaped political preferences and voters’ views about candidates. Strategies resting on an anti-politically correct discourse have, however, ambiguous effects: Sposito observes that perceptions of a politician’s authenticity are often connected to higher levels of political trust. As citizens seem to be increasingly prone to profoundly dislike parties they do not identify with, affective polarisation has influenced elections while informing the experiences and the perceptions of democracy. It also risks to put a strain on the pluralistic values of respect for diversity that democracies are expected to protect and promote.
Those changes have brought about realignments in the content of campaigns: from Europe to North America, cultural issues have gained prominence over economic ones and are defining political divides in many places. However, the example of Mexico examined by Tronco suggests that focusing on welfare policies may indeed lead to electoral success even for incumbent parties. The 2024 elections have taken place in a context generally marked by deep polarisation. Hanhimäki points to “the many fault lines found within virtually all transatlantic democracies in the 2020s, the seemingly irreconcilable views over such issues as race, gender, climate, and migration”.
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The contributions to this issue of Global Challenges illustrate the multiple disconnections that mark democratic spaces, for example between public concerns and political party agendas (Moreno refers to environmental concerns in Argentina) or between partisan politics and disruptive activism (Bullon-Cassis explores civil disobedience). Large segments of citizens feel increasingly disconnected from the ways in which politics is being practiced. There is a crisis of trust, not only on the vertical axis but also on the horizontal one. Albert Hirschman already pointed out this phenomenon more than three decades ago: commenting on the “universal celebration of the democratic model”, he argued that it was precisely the “crumbling of certain walls that calls attention to those that remain intact or to rifts that deepen. Among them there is one that can frequently be found in the more advanced democracies: the systematic lack of communication between groups of citizens …”. His point highlights the reflexivity that democratic societies need to adopt about themselves. Hirschman’s legacy is very useful today as we feel the need to better understand, across the world, citizens’ experiences of democracy in their everyday lives. At a time of increasing polarisation and disconnection between citizens and institutions, some key questions come to the fore: Why do citizens engage or disengage in democratic processes and spaces? What motivates them to participate? Which means do they consider to bring about social and political change? As elections in 2024 show a picture of divided societies, exploring the gamut of these practices, from protest to engagement, is key to (re-)thinking the social fabric of a democratic polity.
Sources: Perspective Monde (sources: The Economist, Highcharts.com [map], © Natural Earth); Our World in Data; Wikipedia. Map produced by Whybe.
GRAPH: Increase in the Number of Elections (Legislative and Presidential) since 1800
Source: Wikipedia
BOX: For or Against Electronic Voting?
The elections in Venezuela on 28 July 2024 added fuel to an ongoing debate: for or against electronic voting? Technology is becoming increasingly important in the organisation of elections: for the compilation and purging of voter lists, the planning of polling stations, the sending of results and the counting of votes. While there is agreement on the advantages of its use for these tasks, electronic voting remains controversial: those in favour point out that it brings speed (fast counting) and efficiency (the procedure reduces the incidence of invalidated votes due to errors). Opponents warn that legal security is at stake in terms of the secrecy of the vote (voters often need help to use the machines), transparency is lost (anyone can supervise the paper count but specialised knowledge is needed to understand how the machine works) and it generates dependence on the private sector (which takes over the logistics for large sums of money).
In Latin America, some countries have electronic voting systems (Brazil, Venezuela) or have implemented pilot programmes (Mexico), while others maintain the paper ballot (Argentina, Uruguay). Regardless of the system, allegations of fraud have become part of the electoral strategy of some leaders such as Donald Trump in the United States, Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil (both with electronic voting) or Keiko Fujimori in Peru (paper ballot). In none of them has it been judicially proven. In any case, the transparency and “auditability” of the electoral system becomes central.
Source: Yanina Welp, “El voto electrónico venezolano”, El Universal, 21 August 2024.
BOX: What are the different voting systems?
There are three voting systems: majority, proportional and mixed. Voting may be direct (as in the presidential election) or indirect (as in the senatorial election). They may comprise a single round or several rounds:
- Majority systems are the oldest: the winner of the election takes all the seats at stake. This is known as “first past the post”. These elections make it easier to create a stable and coherent majority to govern, at the risk of under-representing minority opinions. They also guarantee a close link between elected representatives and voters. They may be single-member (a single seat to be filled) or multi-member (several seats);
- In proportional representation systems, the seats are distributed between the various candidates in proportion to the votes obtained. Proportional systems developed in the 20th century: Belgium was the first country to introduce proportional representation for its parliamentary elections (1899), followed by Finland (1906), Denmark (1915), the Netherlands (1917) and Germany (1919). These systems ensure better representation of the various currents of opinion, at the risk of complicating the emergence of a governing majority and strengthening the influence of political parties;
- Mixed systems combine the two systems: for the same election, some candidates are elected under the majority system (in small constituencies) and others under the proportional system (in larger constituencies). This is the case, for example, with municipal elections in France: the majority system applies in municipalities with fewer than 1,000 inhabitants, and the proportional system in municipalities with 1,000 inhabitants or more.
Source: Mathieu Mugnier, “La diversité des modes de scrutin”, Vie publique, 23 October 2024.